About the Author
Dina Carini is currently a senior at UC Santa Barbara, double
majoring in history and Slavic studies. Carini spent a quarter abroad
in Moscow in 2002 studying Soviet history, and recently she has become
interested in Soviet studies outside of the Soviet Union. Carini has traveled
through many former Soviet states and satellite countries, and plans to
visit Berlin in the near future.
Abstract
In his book Questions, Answers, Questions: from the Biography of a
German Marxist, Robert Havemann, a convinced communist living in the
German Democratic Republic, describes his imprisonment and several interrogations,
bringing up many important issues facing post-war Germany . Havemann discusses
how the German Democratic Republic dealt with its Nazi past and what the
division of Germany meant to the people living in the G.D.R., and relates
these implications to the role of Germany in the world socialist movement
and overcoming Stalinism.
Havemann makes it very clear that he supports the German Democratic Republic
and justifies its past use of Stalinist tactics. However he sees Stalinism
as fuel for the anti-communist West and sees the hope of shedding Stalinism
in light of true democratic socialism. Two events gave Havemann hope of
de-Stalinization; the 20th Party Congress encouraged constructive
governmental criticism and Prague Spring proved it was possible to destroy
the Stalinist structure. Havemann is very suspicious of former Nazis who
miraculously changed into communists overnight, and he complains that
it is these people who retain high social positions, while he himself
is interrogated by the state he helped to build. Havemann sees the division
of Germany as the results of the Allies’ actions and he sees peaceful
reunification impossible due to the actions of the West alone. Havemann
harshly criticizes capitalism and especially the United States, claiming
that the West only gives an illusion of freedom.
Essay
Building
World Socialism: Overcoming Nazism and Stalinism in the G.D.R.
At the end of World War II the Allies set about to cooperatively decide
the fate of Germany, but the wartime coalition did not last, and East
and West Germany developed in different directions. The Western allies
led their zones toward rehabilitation by establishing democracy and capitalism,
while the East took on satellite status of the Soviet Union under the
umbrella of world socialism. Some East Germans welcomed the Soviets as
liberators, later realizing the oppressive nature of Stalinism, which
corrupted the world socialist movement. In his book Questions, Answers,
Questions: From the Biography of a German Marxist, Robert Havemann,
a convinced communist living in the German Democratic Republic, describes
his imprisonment and several interrogations, bringing up many important
issues facing post-war Germany. Havemann discusses how the German Democratic
Republic dealt with its Nazi past and what the division of Germany meant
to the people living in the G.D.R., and relates these implications to
the role of Germany in the world socialist movement. Havemann expresses
great hope in achieving true democratic socialism in the G.D.R. by overcoming
Stalinism.
Havemann makes it very clear that he supports the German Democratic Republic
and is a true socialist, despite his criticisms. Always being a true communist,
Havemann declares, "I used to fight against the state. Today, for
it" (140), demonstrating his loyalty to the new government. In fact,
he feels that it will improve the state of the G.D.R. to practice open
criticism and discuss different interpretations of Marxism. The problem,
Havemann states, is the "transformation of Marxism as official opinion,"
(154) and the inability of the G.D.R. government to change, as he believes
socialism is a revolutionary process, not just a state (129).
Havemann justifies Stalinism in the early Soviet Union, claiming that
it was out of necessity to save Russia during dire need (51-52). However,
Havemann does not think it is necessary to apply Stalinism anymore. Accordingly,
Stalinism formed out of the policy of "socialism in one country,"
and was blind to peaceful coexistence since it had to compete directly
with capitalism. To Havemann, trying to compete by the Western standards
is producing goods, such as televisions and cars, "whose glittering
sham makes people into even-more-complete slaves of consumer needs"
(130). Havemann fears that Stalinist oppression distorts socialism, resembling
Nazism in despotism, ruling along authoritarian lines and protecting itself
with a secret police (151). He is also concerned over the global appearance
of communism, and wishes to remove Stalinism as a propaganda weapon of
the West (10).
Although Havemann never explicitly condones Stalinism in the G.D.R.,
he acknowledges that in the 1950's it was necessary to restrict liberties.
He plainly states that the rule of state power over the people is wrong,
but it is a social necessity, and the restriction of personal liberties
is wrong, but it is sometimes a social necessity (152). Havemann considered
the West a dangerous place for a weak socialist to visit, "because
your consciousness, your class consciousness, is not yet strong enough
to withstand it, your State, with paternal solicitude, does not allow
you to travel, for your own good" (33). This restriction on the individual
liberty to travel freely fits within Havemann’s definition of Stalinism
(33), but he clearly states that it does not automatically mean that people
are denied freedom.
It appears that Havemann struggles over the issue of obtaining freedom
in a Stalinist society. On one hand, he suggests that anyone who acknowledges
the necessity of Stalinism will keep their freedom (33). For example,
by recognizing your own weakness to the Western glamour, an individual
wouldn’t consider the state’s restriction on travel as an infringement
upon their freedom. However, Havemann also admits that this kind of necessity
"can be grasped only be those in whose hands [the government] lies.
Only the rulers, through an ‘insight into the necessity,’ really feel
free, not the ruled" (151-152). Havemann himself may not have realized
this contradiction, but this suggests that in the end it is not possible
for everyone to obtain freedom under Stalinism.
Like many other East Germans, Havemann believed that Stalin’s death in
March 1953 would bring more change than it actually did. Instead there
was an increase in work norms and tightening of policy, provoking the
June uprisings in various East German cities (Marcuse, 01/26/2004). Havemann
explains this as evidence that it is necessary to put industry completely
in the hands of the workers, which "is a crucial prerequisite for
the realization of socialism" (48). The capitalist structure of the
Nazi era was replaced with a state monopoly, with industry not lying in
the hands of the laborers. To Havemann, "workers felt they were as
exploited as they had been under capitalism, indeed more," and so
they took to the streets to salvage their rights (122). The workers’ strike
to further the revolution resembled and fueled the counter-revolution,
necessitating Stalinism to put down the real strike and the counter-revolution
(121).
The 20th Congress of the Communist Parties in 1956 was of
great significance to Havemann because it gave him great hope of dismantling
Stalinism in the G.D.R. In the eyes of Havemann, Khrushchev’s denunciation
of Stalin implied a greater tolerance for criticism since it admitted
possible a changing conception of truth (20). This is significant in dealing
with East Germany’s own Nazi past. According to Havemann, if Nazism was
wrong and Stalinism is wrong, it could be possible that the present state
of the G.D.R. is also wrong (20), meaning that open criticism is necessary
to complete the revolutionary process of socialism. Unfortunately, Havemann
feels that G.D.R. leader, Walter Ulbricht, grasped little essence and
significance of the 20th Party Congress (93).
The Prague Spring demonstrated to Havemann that is was fully possible
to overcome Stalinism. For eight months Alexander Dubcek instigated reforms
in favor of the workers and led Czechoslovakia into free socialist democracy
(194). Moscow became alarmed and sent in tanks, crushing the workers’
revolution, sparking disapproval from the majority of Warsaw Pact states
who viewed the suppression as strengthening Stalinism (219). Google marcuse
133c to find where this has been published on the web. Havemann argues
that the eventual invasion of Soviet tanks, although a huge disappointment,
did not mean complete failure in Czechoslovakia, for they did not return
to pre-January conditions and they realized and continued to practice
many freedoms (229-230).
Havemann firmly believes that in the 1960's it was necessary to overcome
Stalinism in the G.D.R. During an interrogation, Havemann discusses his
beliefs regarding the Berlin Wall’s extent of success. The Stasi represented
the official opinion that the wall stopped thousands of people a week
from being enticed by the West, and Havemann, challenging official opinion,
asks, "Don’t you believe that one could entice people to socialism?
This will hardly be possible with the Wall" (71). Havemann clearly
sees the damage of Stalinist oppression on the world socialist movement.
Havemann is very suspicious of former Nazis who miraculously changed
into communists overnight. He complains that it is these people who retain
high social positions, as "unconditional conformism was honored by
a virtue by those in charge" (251-252), while he himself is interrogated
by the state he helped to build. Havemann was always a devout communist
and was imprisoned during the Nazi period for anti-fascist activity. At
the time of Soviet liberation, Havemann emotionally describes taking over
the penitentiary along with other inmates in order to hand it over peacefully
to their liberators, "We embraced out liberators and led them inside"
(80-81). Always being a true believer in socialism, Havemann felt excitement
for German recovery to take Soviet direction.
Havemann places the blame for the division of Germany on the Allies for
dismembering it in the first place, specifically, the fault of the Western
Allies because they feared Soviet influence moving westward (252-253).
Furthermore, he sees peaceful reunification impossible due to the attitudes
of the West. Publishing the Hallstein Doctrine, the Federal Republic of
Germany refused to recognize the G.D.R. as an official state, implying
that the West was the exclusive voice of Germany (Marcuse, 02/06/2004).
Havemann concludes that because the West will not recognize the G.D.R.,
it will want to annex the "illegal state," meaning war (253).
Havemann recognizes the contributions of capitalism to the rise of the
living standard, but he clearly points out the cost at which it comes.
Not only does he think that the rich Westerners have become spiritually
and intellectually dumb, but their affluence causes more suffering, hunger,
and death for the rest of the world, specifically the old colonies that
the West sucked dry (199). Additionally, Havemann doubts the sincerity
of American economic aid, claiming that the money does not go to help
the people who are suffering, but it goes into building the political
and economic power of the United States (200). The F.R.G. was clearly
ahead of the G.D.R. in consumer goods (Marcuse, 02/02/04) , but Havemann
argues that materialism was just another way to distract people from freedom.
Havemann explains that it is ridiculous to provide cars for only a few
families, when "it is much more a matter of meeting the travel and
transportation needs of the population in the most effective way"
(210).
Havemann harshly criticizes capitalism, especially the United States,
claiming that the West only gives an illusion of freedom, while oppressing
the people of "underdeveloped" countries and distracting people
with material goods. Havemann draws clear connections between Nazi Germany
and the United States, to the extent that they both have a "power
philosophy," implying arrogance and desire to control the world (203).
Havemann sarcastically points out that "the West--even in Vietnam--defends
freedom against oppression, with napalm and fragmentation bombs"
(194). The West defends capitalism with Stalinist actions and wins support
using war. American "power philosophy" is demonstrated in Vietnam,
where Havemann predicts that the United States will eventually realize
their superior power is not enough to overcome national resistence (203).
In conclusion, Havemann despises, most of all, the "power philosophy"
and accompanying oppression displayed in Nazism, in the West, and in Stalinism,
and he wishes to rescue the German Democratic Republic from the path of
self-destruction. Havemann makes it very clear that he supports the German
Democratic Republic, but he can not condone its Stalinist tactics. Although
Havemann believed it was necessary during dire need, he believes that
Stalinism is no longer necessary to create true democratic socialism in
the German Democratic Republic. Instead, Stalinism only distorts socialism
and gives fuel to the anti-communist West. Accordingly, Stalinism must
be overcome to give way to world revolution. Two events gave Havemann
hope of de-Stalinization: the 20th Party Congress encouraged
constructive governmental criticism, and the Prague Spring proved it was
possible to destroy the Stalinist structure.
Sources
- Birkos, Alexander, review of Questions, Answers, Questions: From
the Biography of a German Marxist, by Robert Havemann. Library
Journal 1 June 1972: 2028.
- Klaus, Ruthenberg. Short Biographies of Philosophizing Chemists:
Robert Havemann (1910-1982). In HYLE- International Journal for
Philosophy of Chemistry, Vol.4 (1998), No. 2, pp. 163-166. (http://www.hyle.org/journal/issues/4/ruthenb.htm)
Ruthenberg offers a precise summary of Havemann’s contributions to physics.
This is important to understanding Havemann’s success because his initial
popularity came from his work in the scientific community.
- Rempel, Gerhard. The Uprising of June 17, 1953. 2002.
(http://mars.vnet.wnec.edu/~grempel/courses/germany/lectures/38uprising.html)
Professor Rempel discuses the June Uprising the events leading up to
it. Rempel aggress with Havemann that the participants were not counter-revolutionaries,
but wanted a reassessment of socialism. Interestingly, he includes Havemann’s
significant and symbolic role in the events.
- Torpey, John C. Intellectuals, Socialism, and Dissent: The East
German Opposition and its Legacy, (Minneapolis, Minn: University
of Minnesota Press, 1995), 289 pages. UCSB: DD289.T67.1995.
Torpey argues that unlike in Eastern Europe, where dissent called to
abandon communism, East German dissenters wanted to reform socialism
in the G.D.R. Torpey attributes this difference to the anti-fascist
and anti-capitalist origins of East German intellectualism, which is
also explains the reason why East German dissenters remained loyal to
the government despite their criticism.
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