About the author:
I am a senior history major and women's studies minor here at UCSB. When
doing research, either for a presentation or a paper, I have tried to
combine my interests of history and what roles women have played in shaping
history. Prior to this class, I had some knowledge on German history.
I took History 33D with the same professor in the fall of 2002, I have
visited Berlin and Munich and have seen the sights as a tourist, and I
am an addict of the History Channel. I chose to write about the unification
of Germany because it is a recent event in history, I was alive when this
happened (although I was young child at the time) and we can still see
the effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall today.
Abstract:
Daphne Berdahl's book Where the World Ended: Re-Unification and Identity
in the German Borderland is an ethnographic study of how the fall
of the Berlin Wall in 1989 affected the peoples of Kella, a formally Eastern
German village, on multiple levels. Berdahl explored how the Wende mutated
the borderlands of Kella, culturally, politically, religiously, and economically
during the early 1990s. Her hypothesis is that the people of Kella would
question their sense of identity/personhood with the removal of a significant
reference point (the wall). I used her book first, to see how the Wende
affected Kella's economy, which went from a bartering system in the second
economy to a more Western economic system; second to see how Kellans changed
their consumption methods, and lastly to see how Eastern and Western societal
norms were accepted or rejected. For the most part, I was able to use
her book successfully, with regards to answering my thesis, yet she was
not entirely clear on how women transitioned between mimicking Western
German ideals of gender constructs and creating their own Eastern gender
constructs. To remedy this, she could have brought together a panel of
Kellan women and asked specific questions that would have illuminated
that transition.
Essay Redefining Kella’s Heimat
Kella
is a small village inhabited by approximately six hundred people; it is
located in north-central Germany, on the boundary of Hesse and Thuringia.
The village was divided, and partially surrounded by, the East German
border until 1989. Daphne Berdahl, the author of Where the World Ended:
Re-Unification and Identity in the German Borderland, resided there
from 1990 to 1992 and wrote an ethnographic study about the economic,
political, and social/cultural changes within the village. Berdahl utilized
interviews of villagers and town records to get a feel of what it was
like in Kella during the construction of the barbed wire fence in the
1950s (that would later become the fortified state border) and what it
was like for Wessies and Ossies to finally meet again in 1989, after the
Wall came down. She also uses these interviews to get an understanding
of what it was like to have their concept of Heimat, literally
home or homeland, first split in two and then removed altogether. One
of Berdahl’s main themes is borderland and how they shape a person’s character
or identity. Her main goal in the book is to:
... illuminate how a figurative borderland, characterized by fluidity,
liminality, ambiguity, resistance, negotiation, and creativity, is dynamically
heightened, accelerated, and complicated in the literal borderland of
Kella, where specificities of both come into especially sharp relief.
(Berdahl, 9)
Daphne Berdahl’s book looks at the many different views of borderland;
cultural, religious, gendered, political, and economic. Her first chapter
chronicles her arrival to Kella in December 1990. This chapter is designed
to give readers a general history and outline of the village. The author
wants to show how the village transitions in the six years of her observations.
The second chapter deals with everyday life under socialism, and
how Kellans began to get a feel for their new ideals, with regards to
politics, the economy and potentially different gender norms. Here she
also looks at the power struggles between the classes and the relationships
between the state and its citizens. Chapter three is about religious
identities and resistance to socialist reforms of Catholicism. Berdahl
looks at the change between popular faith and institutionalized religion
since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Chapter four deals with the
new inequalities after capitalism is "introduced" into Kellan
society and how they deal with new types of consumption. She argues that
when capitalism is introduced the new village elites seize social capital
and transform the meanings and the principles of the consumer market economy.
The author states that chapter five is her core chapter in this
book. This chapter expands her borderland argument. Here she explains
the Kellan experience under socialism, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and
the border maintenance and identity invention after the 1989 Wende
(political turn). Chapter six looks at the transformed constructions
of gender before and after the Wende in Kella; mainly how Western images
of womanhood have altered ideals of women as workers and mothers under
socialism. The last chapter deals with the several different ideas
of historical memory since the fall of the Berlin Wall. By looking at
how, even though the Berlin Wall is no more, the memory of the past creates,
as she quoted from Peter Schneider’s novel The Wall Jumper, a "wall
in our heads" (pg.166).
Within Daphne Berdahl’s book there is a main theme of the border, and
then the absence of a border, as a consistent and imposing presence, a
multitude of practical and philosophical concepts for Kellans and a challenge
to their societal and cultural norms. I will be arguing that the
fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 caused Kellan men and women to challenge
their previous identities, formed by the construction of the Wall, and
then forced them to construct different sets of beliefs with regards to
economics, consumerism, and the restructuring of societal norms.
During Eastern Germany’s second economy, social and cultural capital
were the most practical forms of goods. The second economy is about bartering
my goods for your goods and acquiring social status through these shared
networks of people. Women would wait in lines outside of Konsum, Kella’s
only store, and buy items that they not only needed for themselves and
their families, but mostly to barter for later. They did this because
the Berlin Wall cut off access to outside consumer goods, and they created
a barter system to try and compensate for that. Berdahl says that "the
political economy of socialism was based on a logic of centralized planning,
the aim of which was to maximize the redistributive power of the state"
(pg. 115). People, as a reaction to this planned economy, began to hoard
and to barter goods that were no longer available to East Germans. "Networks
of friendships, acquaintances, and associates were created and maintained
through gift exchanges, bribes, and barter trade…Gifts, exchanged among
kin, friends, or acquaintances, were often used instrumentally" (Berdahl,
pg. 118). As an illustration, Berdahl describes how Kellans got their
elderly Wessi relatives to smuggle forbidden commodities across the border
and then later used those goods as needed. The Ossies forged their own
type of consumerism in the East, thus establishing a small part of their
identities.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Berdahl notes a transition in Ossi
consumerism from "consumer crazy" to "resistance consumers"
of East German goods. In 1990 Ossis were made fun of because they were
seemingly "consumer crazy" to the Wessis. A letter written to
Wessi relatives from an Ossi man in Berdahl’s book talks about him and
his child driving through the border, from east to west, and marveling
at the many shops and grocery stores in nearby Wessi cities. Google marcuse
133c to find where this essay is published on the web. But this amazement
soon wore off. By the end of her stay in 1992, Berdahl encountered more
and more Ossis driving their Trabis, women wearing their Kittels (smocks--a
sign of a working woman), and buying local brand detergents instead of
Wessi brands. Kellans did this when they began to realize that they were
losing their Heimat, their discourse of identity. Many Wessis touted
that Ossis needed Nachholungsbedarf, literally to catch up with
Wessis economically, politically, and culturally.
Ossi women were strongly involved in first conforming to Western ideals,
and then resisting them. Berdahl’s book is not quite clear on how Kellan
women went from embracing them and then resisting them. Perhaps it is
because many women will react differently to the same situations that
this is not clear in her book. Women under the new economy strived tolive
up to socialism’s expectations as working women and as nurturers to their
families. They were part of Einwohnerversammlungen (town meetings),
church social life, working at either the toy store or the clips factory,
and being a "traditional homemaker." Many women Berdahl spoke
to said that they had a double or even triple burden on them. I think
this would be one of the reasons why many Ossi women looked, at first,
to the Wessi women for direction and influence. After the Wende many Kellan
women were the first to be laid off from their jobs and the most overlooked
when it came to official positions of the city. This was due to Wessi
ideals of what a woman was expected to be and expected to do within society.
Many women gave up their previous jobs and official positions and mainly
stayed at home. They mirrored many of the Wessi women’s actions, such
as staying at home, having children at a younger age, and becoming more
active consumers. One woman told Berdahl "I feel freer now….I can
do what I want. I can go shopping, not necessarily to buy things but to
look" (pg. 195). These women’s identities were at first shifted towards
Wessi ideals when those concepts seemed fresh and new, and perhaps "better",
and then shifted away from Wessi ideals and towards their self-created
Ossi ideals. They were not entirely based upon either Wessi or Ossi traditions,
morals, values, it was more of a combining of the two belief systems.
At the end of Berdahl’s ethnographic study in 1992, and when she revisited
Kella in 1996, she observed a few new mentalities and behaviors. First,
Kellans seem to appreciate western consumer goods, but they still have
pride in their own Ossi-made goods. Second, they understand the concept
of consumerism, yet they do not seem "consumer crazy" like several
years ago. And lastly, women can, and do, help create new identities,
and maintain them, when it comes to the figurative new borderland of Germany
by actively participating in the government, Einwohnerversammlungen
(town meetings), and by establishing themselves as German consumers. Her
study of the Kellan community after the fall of the Berlin Wall has tried
to clarify the many different meanings of borderland "by examining
the creation, maintenance, transformation, and invention of different
kinds of boundaries and border zones in daily life" (Berdahl, pg.
233). I have tried to argue, and show, that the 1989 Wende caused Kellan
men and women to challenge not only their own identities, but to challenge
the images that the West is showing them politically, economically and
culturally.
Reviews
of Berdahl's book:
by Marion Deshmukh in: The Historian, v. 63(Fall 2000), 182f.
by Kathrin Hörschelmann in: Political Geography 19(2000),
658f.
Related books:
Elizabeth Ten Dyke, Dresden: Paradoxes of Memory in History
(London /New York: Routledge, 2001)(Studies in Anthropology
and History, v. 28), 316pp. not held by UCSB [DD901.D78 D95 2001]
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