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“Assessing the Four Key Elements of Genocidal Ideology Throughout the Modern Era: The Full Story or Only One Side?”

Book Essay on: Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur
( New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 724pages.
UCSB: ISBN 978-3-89739-595-4

by Sarah Wander
March 23, 2010

for Prof. Marcuse's lecture course
The Holocaust in European History
UC Santa Barbara, Winter 2010

About the Author
& Abstract
Book available at Google Books

About Sarah Wander

I am a senior majoring in Global and International Studies, with a minor in French. For the past four years I have studied religious and ethnic mass murder and discrimination in my Global and International courses. I have also traveled to Prague and was taken aback by the effects of the Soviet Occupation on the city’s culture and the generational gap it created between those who lived through the occupation and the younger generation who escaped the communist regime. I chose to write about Kiernan’s book because I am interested in how such an inhuman concept such as genocide continuously occurs all over the world and what ideological patterns are consistent in diverse genocidal cases, especially during the twentieth century. I believe that analyzing historical cases of genocide and understanding the reasons for its materialization is especially important in our current global atmosphere. The increasing religious extremism, economic and social inequalities, and historic hatreds are now, more than ever, capable of being acted upon via access to advanced weapons and communication technology.

Abstract (back to top)

Ben Kiernan’s book Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur reveals key ideologies that are present through genocides dating back to the pre Biblical era and to more current genocides in areas such as Armenia, the Nazi occupied territories, the USSR, Cambodia, Iraq, and Darfur. Kiernan argues that the four ideologies of ethnic enmity, cults of antiquity, fetishes for agriculture, and territorial expansionism expose patterns that we can use to identify and possibly thwart future genocides. He asserts that although all four themes are not present in every instance of genocide, at least one of these themes always exists, and it often creates an ideology based on ethnic descent, or “blood,” and homeland “soil,” spurring combinations of the other themes to consistently reoccur. Readers should be skeptical of Kiernan’s “blood and soil” thesis and his portrayal of human nature’s inclination to kill because he excludes historical cases of failed genocide attempts and cases that lack more than one of his key genocide ideologies. What was such a failed genocidal attempt? However, Kiernan effectively presents well-documented facts to prove his core thesis by drawing upon various primary and secondary sources. Therefore, this dense monograph is perfect for scholars looking to gain further intricate knowledge of genocidal ideologies throughout history and the modern era.

Essay (back to top)

Ben Kiernan’s Blood and Soil deals with the principle features of genocidal ideology in the modern era, which historians date from 1400 into the twenty-first century. Through a well-researched and dense monograph drawing upon sources such as Stalin’s inspirational speeches, CCP Weekly news articles, and original translations of the Arabic Gathering Letter on Darfur, Kiernan portrays four recurring elements of genocide throughout his book: cults of antiquity, fetishes for agriculture, ethnic enmity, and territorial expansionism. He argues that these four persistent aspects of genocidal ideology expose patterns that we can use to identify and possibly thwart future genocides. He asserts that although all four themes are not present in every instance of genocide, at least one of these themes always exists, and it often creates an ideology focusing on ethnicity based on descent, or “blood,” and homeland “soil,” spurring combinations of the other themes to consistently reoccur. Therefore Kiernan’s common genocidal perpetrator theory is concerned not with specific political, regional, or ethnic reoccurrences, but one based on broad ideological ideals present throughout world history, and intensified in the modern era. Although I do not completely agree with Kiernan’s “blood and soil” theory and his portrayal of human nature’s inclination to kill by not including examples of failed genocide attempts and oppositions to genocide regimes, I will examine the specific cases he provides to support his thesis of the four key ideologies of genocide.

Attempting to expand the four common themes of his genocidal ideology theory by analyzing subthemes within his original four, Kiernan identifies further recurrent creeds and obsessions that have provided the violent ideological fuel to ventures of militaristic regimes and territorial expansionism. In addition to agrarian romanticism, idealistic cults of antiquity, ethnic hatreds, and expansionism, he analyzes religious hatreds, obsessions with pristine purity, and “more modern concepts of biological contamination” (Kiernan 21). These additional aspects of genocide are in many cases linked, or one ideology causes the obsession with another. Kiernan suggests that commonalities between “racism or religious prejudice and notions of biological purity, historical decline, and rural romanticism” are “more widespread than genocide and each on its own may not lead to violence or conquest” (Kiernan 27). Thus, to argue his thesis that genocide does not merely consist of violent force and racial hatreds, but usually also an obsession with antiquity, ideal agrarianism, ethnic hatreds, and its operation as justification for territorial expansionism, he downplays the ability of independent idealistic predilections to create genocide. Therefore by concentrating on Kiernan’s four broad features of genocidist ideology, it is easier to identify genocidal symptoms and causes and quickly nip them in the bud.

In addition, Kiernan states that cults of antiquity form when there is a “rapid move towards modernity” and he quotes historian Stephen Vlastors’ claim that “tradition is what modernity requires to prevent society from flying apart,” taken from his book Mirror of Modernity (26). To support this seemingly contradictory statement, Kiernan states that

An efficient new agricultural economy fertilizes the pastoral imagination. The fetish for cultivation produces a romanticization of pristine forest. Urban growth fosters a desire to return to the countryside. Scientific racism incorporates parables about ancient human bloodlines, breeding, and pest extermination (27).

He provides these contradictions in order to show that such “contorted combinations of ideals and material are insufficient for genocide,” but instead that, “the ideals themselves are more complementary” (27). Kiernan thus contends that a common overarching philosophy of all these genocidal ideologies is that “genocidal thinking usually involves idealized conceptions of the world, utopian or dystopian, divorced from reality but capable of being forcefully imposed upon it” (22). For example, Kiernan asserts that racism becomes genocidal when the executor desires to create a world void of specific peoples, just as Hitler’s and Mao’s “ideals inspired mass murder of both the right and the left” (23). Furthermore, Kiernan insists that even in biblical times, extreme violence was often associated with idealistic land use, however, farming became ideologically superior “to hunter-gatherer and pastoral herding,” and eventually to urban life in the modern era. Expansionism thus emerged as a “complementary ideology of cultivation” (5). These ideals of race, antiquity of lost history, land use, and expansionism are all present throughout modern genocidal history and provide detectable red flags of the “blood and soil” theory that often leads to genocide. However, these same ideals have also existed many times in history without directly provoking genocide, such as the use of the Central Valley land in California to develop the most valuable agricultural industry in the nation during the early twentieth century. Yet Kiernan does not provide one example of such a case.

Case Studies Of Genocide in the Twentieth Century

Kiernan revisits history by dividing every chapter by a specific region and time to reveal that genocide is not incapable of being identified and defined because of its diverse guises. Although genocides began to be perpetrated by “national chauvinist dictatorships that had seized control of tottering, shrinking, or new empires,” the twentieth century also provided “new technological, political, or organizational solutions” (393). In accordance with Stephen Vlastors’ theory stated above, as the world modernized, ancient models and traditions intensified. In addition, the increased populations resulted in less land, and thus, less need for human labor, characterized twentieth century genocides (394). This led to a “new series of totalitarian party-states propounding ‘scientific’ race or class ideologies, thus entire groups of specific people became expendable” (394). Despite these new components of the twentieth century, all four elements of Kiernan’s genocidal ideology are still applicable to the genocides of this era and can be can utilized to identify their ideological traits in order to thwart future symptoms from developing.


Beginning with the Armenian genocide, Kiernan argues that in the wake of the weakening Ottoman Empire, national chauvinism arose under the rising Young Turk leader Enver Pasha who announced, “if what was left of Turkey was to survive…he must get rid of these alien people,” referring to the Ottoman Armenian minority, which I documented in the German Foreign Ministry Archives (395). The emerging Young Turk movement’s ideologies portrayed features of previous genocide perpetrators, “including preoccupations with ethnicity, external territories, and land and its cultivation, as well as backward looking visions of preserving or restoring ancient glories” (396). The Young Turks began to claim Turkish nationality as a racial establishment (400). A Russian Tatar, Yusuf Akcura, affirms Kiernan’s assertion that religious, political, and societal ideals are not basis enough for genocide to develop, but combined with one of his four genocidal perpetrator themes, these ideals can play a major role in any genocide. In his 1911 speech Three Kinds of Politics , Akcura stated, “it was only through the union of religion with race” that unified the Turks in the Ottoman Empire to “preserve their political and societal importance” (401). Kiernan additionally quotes the author of Les Turcs Anciens et Modernes , Konstanty Borzecki, as claiming that “Turks belonged to a ‘Turanian’ subsection of the Aryan race,” and emphasizing the “Turkish people’s significant role in human history” (403). The Young Turks dreamed of creating a “pan-Turanian” empire of all Turkic speaking people, devoted themselves to increasing agriculture in every way possible, and stressed the importance of peasants over the feudal lords (406). These goals and justifications illustrate Kiernan’s theory of genocidal perpetrators’ antiquarian ideologies of glorified or forgotten history, cults of agrarianism, national blood ties to the land in the Armenian genocide, and the desire to expand their empire. These ideologies did indeed lead to the burial of living victims, looting and plundering of Armenian property, throwing children into the sea to die, and mass shooting, amassing to a death figure of 800,000 Armenians (415).

Nazi Genocide

Kiernan reveals the Nazi genocide as encompassing many of the same four ideological features that the Armenian genocide embraced, however, Nazi genocide is history’s most extreme case because it was unique in several ways. Hitler’s venomous racial hatred, one based on scientific ideals of purity and extermination, was of a revolutionary degree. Even as early as 1922, “Hitler was very clear about his plan for Jews, ‘once I really am in power, my first and foremost task will be the annihilation of the Jews,” which was quoted in journalist Major Joseph Hell’s compilation of articles Aufzeichnung (437). But Hitler waited until WWII offered the opportunity to act upon his “pathological hatred for Jews,” utilizing war, propaganda, and the prospect of economic growth to materialize his perpetrator ideology of racial purity and hatred (437). Also, because of Germany’s advanced economy and militaristic modern state, its “state-sponsored attempt at total extermination by industrialized murder of unarmed millions has no parallel before or since” (454). Yet Kiernan maintains that the “Nazi Killing Machine” was so monumentally powerful because of its intertwined ideologies of antiquity that “celebrated race, territory, cultivation, and history” (454).

China and the USSR

Conversely, the genocides that resulted from Maoism in China and the Soviet Terror in the USSR differed from the other genocides Kiernan discusses in his book because both the Bolsheviks and the CCP condemned tradition and broke from antiquity while seeking total modernization. However, these two cases of genocide differed in their peasant and agricultural strategies. While the CCP exalted the proletariat, creating the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” in 1966-76, the Bolsheviks urged for “total war against landlords and a communist movement in the villages” (513). In addition, the CCP was more preoccupied with land use and development, whereas the Bolsheviks were dedicated to “crash industrialization” through forced collectivization of agriculture, with little regard for peasantry and agrarian ideals (514). Kiernan is forced to acknowledge that besides the CCP's agrarianism and its internal expansion in Tibet, the Great Leap and the Cultural Revolution caused unprecedented mass murder in the absence of his genocidal key ideologies of racial hatred and significant territorial expansionism (514). Although the Bolshevik Revolution encompassed Kiernan’s theory of genocidal perpetrator preoccupations with expansionism, cultivation, and racial extermination, both China and the Soviet genocides lack any obsession with antiquarian ideals. However, Kiernan is careful to affirm that all four obsessions are sufficient ideologies to spur genocidal violence, “though not all four are necessary conditions” (38).

Cambodia and Rwanda

However, the perpetrator regimes of Cambodia and Rwanda, which led to momentous genocides in the last quarter of the twentieth century, “shared preoccupations with racism, antiquity, agriculture, and they even harbored significant territorial ambitions, all of which echoed major obsessions of previous genocidal regimes” (539). Yet the Khmer Rouge and Hutu Power were extremely politically and culturally divided. Most significantly, the Pol Pot regime, which replicated many of the same ideals and techniques of Stalin and Mao, targeted its ethnic Khmer majority, while the Hutu Power, which had many ideological similarities to Pasha and Hitler, victimized the Tutsi minority (569). This exemplifies Kiernan’s contention that “there is no evidence that the perpetrators, who inhabited opposite ends of the political spectrum, ever paid any attention to one another” (539). The Cambodian and Rwandan genocides’ lack of compatible political ideologies only further highlights Kiernan’s deeper commonalities of modern genocide.

Recent Cases of Genocide

Kiernan concludes his tragic timeline with the most recent instances of fierce genocide, yet still negating to analyze the benefits advanced technology, human rights organizations and institutions, such as the UN and the Genocide Convention, have provided to prevent or stop genocide worldwide. Conversely, Kiernan focuses on the violent forms of agrarianism and antiquity that have triggered the escalated frequency of genocide in the face of urbanization and modernization. “Three of the world’s most brutal military dictatorships—in Indonesia, Pakistan, and Guatemala—set out to annihilate large opposition movements by mass slaughter” (571). Their opponents were not only political, but also of ethnic, national, and racial affiliations (574). The same is predominantly true for the most extensive of these genocides: the Pakistani army leadership in Bangladesh, whose flourishing fundamentalist ideals and Islamic schools provided the foundations for international terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda and the Arab Janjaweed militias in Darfur (575). Even at the dawn of the twenty-first century, “a postmodern commercial terrorist ‘nonstate actor’ like Al-Qaeda” still views itself as fighting ancient conflicts to create “an ethnically pure, agrarian utopia on the graves of those they considered their traditional victims” (605). In different cultural contexts, all these perpetrators from fundamentalist movements hold the principle ideologies that typify prior genocidal regimes.

If you are interested in the facts and statistics in each case of genocide throughout the modern era from a scholarly perspective, then this is the book for you. Although Kiernan does not presume any previous knowledge of any of these genocides, the difficult vocabulary and sheer volume of Blood and Soil makes readers feel lost and confused, sacrificing the fluidity of his thesis and the intrigue of such an important book. Nonetheless, Kiernan successfully and convincingly proves the presence of his four genocidal perpetrator ideologies in all the examples of genocide he provides throughout the last five centuries, as well as the plausibility and benefit of detecting them in genocidal regimes to prevent future mass murder from recurring. However, if you want find tangible solutions to prevent or stop genocide regimes or examples of human nature as inclined to love and forced to kill, you will not find what you are looking for in Blood and Soil.

This is where he fails to inspire and give hope to his readers. Kiernan does not offer any examples of instances when perpetrators with genocidal ideologies failed to carry out genocide, such as all the futile attempts of Tsars to eradicate Ukrainian culture in the 19th century. Blood and Soil did not convince me of Kiernan’s pessimistic human outlook because he only writes about perpetrators and does not even touch on their opponents who have raised their voices against the genocidal fantasy throughout history. By doing so, Kiernan would reveal that humans are capable of resisting the ideologies and propaganda of genocide perpetrators. Kiernan’s pivotal focus is on identifying patterns of genocidal ideologies so they can be used to prevent similar cases, however, he does not provide cases of thwarting these ideologies, thus causing the reader to detect a factual and emotional void in his book. Although addressing the other side of genocidal instances may seem like a deviation from his thesis, I believe it would highlight the positive outcomes of genocide resistance so humans cannot only learn how to identify genocidal ideologies, but also how to react to similar cases in the future.

Additionally, I was disappointed at Kiernan’s lack of analysis into the root of the human genocidal problem throughout history: why do humans continue to massacre their own kind? Are humans naturally predisposed to have the desire to kill each other in mass numbers? As I stated in my thesis, I do not believe that the theory of “blood and soil” is enough to ignite a genocidal desire in humans, but deem humans as naturally inclined to love. When their love is put in jeopardy, humans are then willing to murder and die to save it. This is why we must train soldiers to kill through dehumanization of the enemy, ideologies, nationalism, and convincing them that they are fighting to protect their loved ones. In addition, readers are forced to question Kiernan’s central thesis by the forewarning in his introduction that “catastrophes lacking more than one of the major features of genocide [he] identified” were excluded from his book (38). Overall, Kiernan does not go beyond his chief ideologies of specifically chosen genocides, but effectively and clearly presents well-documented facts to prove his core thesis. Therefore, I would recommend this monograph to scholars looking to write a lengthy research paper and/or gain further intricate knowledge of genocidal ideologies throughout the modern era.


Annotated Bibliography and Links (back to top)(links last checked 11/21/10)

Book Reviews

  • Lorenzo Veracini, H-Soz-u-Kult H-Net Reviews. October 2009.

    Veracini critiques Kiernan’s book based on its inconsistencies, ineffective interpretive framework, and its omission of a few significant atrocities. Veracini believes that Kiernan’s four ideological prerequisites for genocide to occur are all fundamental aspects of all political bodies in one way or another. He asserts that Blood and Soil “describes genocide through history” but still fails to explain it. In addition, this review discusses the “link between settler colonialism and genocide” and how Kiernan advances this connection yet does not methodically test it. He asks if “settler colonial phenomena [is] inherently genocidal,” and contends that the author would not know how to answer this question. Lastly, Veracini states that there is an “unresolved ambiguity” with Kiernan’s presentation of Thomas Jefferson’s outlook towards the indigenous people in the US Expansion section of the book. However, Veracini declares that overall this book is a “reliable compilation of genocidal phenomena” and believes that a book of this size and depth is a remarkable feat never done before with such “compelling richness.”

  • John Cox, "A Major, Proactive Contribution to Genocide Studies", H-German H-Net Reviews. October 2009.

    While Veracini was respectful, yet critical, of Blood and Soil, Cox believes Kiernan’s book to be “an immense contribution to the field of genocide studies.” Cox contends that Kiernan offers an original thesis and a “powerful example of well-synthesized world history” that is incredibly valuable for academic and non-academic readers. However, Cox suggests that an analytical reader may question certain aspects of the book such as Kiernan’s discussion of another genocidal element he calls the “twin peaks,” which could have offered a stronger basis in some of the cases of genocide he provides than his four genocidal ideology thesis. Cox also states that Kiernan’s thesis is “probably more easily adaptable to ancient, medieval, and early modern genocides than those of more recent times.” Lastly, although Cox does not expect Kiernan to answer every question regarding genocide, he fails to answer “how small a targeted group can be for its extinction or near-extinction to be classified as a genocide.” Ultimately Cox declares that “any of the book’s weaknesses result from its admirable ambition and breadth.”

  • David Konstan, Review of Kiernan, <i> Blood and Soil</i>, need publication information

    Konstan states that Kiernan offers four coherent motives for the epic question of why humans exterminate their fellow people. He confirms Kiernan’s belief that “the modern era and modern genocide both began with a revival of interest in the ancient world” to attain an “ethnically pure, agrarian utopia.” However, Konstan notes that Blood and Soil does not even mention Palestinian killings and asserts that the motive of resentment is played down and should have a bigger role in Kiernan’s study of genocide throughout history. Konstan concludes by stating that Kiernan’s four elements of genocide “recur with deadening frequency,” verifying his thesis as viable and applicable to the history of genocide.

Books and Articles

  • Daniel Chirot and Clark McCauley, Why Not Kill Them All? Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006.11-50pp

    Chirot and McCauley present four very different motives for genocide to occur than Kiernan’s thesis suggests. They claim that the principle causes of genocide are driven by convenience, revenge, simple fear, and fear of pollution. Much like Kiernan’s Blood and Soil, this book seems to pose humans as genetically programmed to kill for specific ideologies or motives that have existed throughout history, while not providing evidence or analysis of examples when humans did not conform to genocidal regimes. However, Why Not Kill Them All explicitly states that “any group is capable of carrying out genocide” when Chirot’s and McCauley’s four motives of genocide are present. Whereas Kiernan defines the patterns throughout genocides in history and only portrays various diverse groups’ ability to commit genocide, but never explicitly states that humans are predisposed to kill. Why Not Kill Them All provides an interesting and well-researched look into the dark side of human nature, but an insight you must take with a grain of salt.

  • Robert Gellately and Ben Kiernan, The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

    This anthology is as an intriguing overview of genocide studies and a geographically and historically wide-ranging compilation of essays. Kiernan and Gellately most interestingly deal with the question of whether genocide is truly a product of modernity. They also examine how indigenous people have been victims of genocide throughout history and how cultures in which a genocide occurred had a history of such exclusion in their past. However, this anthology fails to make the notion of genocide much clearer than when the term was first coined. Much like Kiernan’s book Blood and Soil, these two editors do not provide a solution to preventing genocide or how to handle it when genocide arises. Overall, this compilation of essays coherently reveals the differences and the similarities between each case of genocide and will expose readers to the reality that so many different incidents of genocide have occurred in clear view of the entire world.

  • Jane Springer, Genocide Toronto: Groundwood, 2006.

    Springer’s book aims to answer fundamental questions such as what is genocide, who are the current targeted people of genocide, and what are the long-term consequences on humanity of exterminating entire groups of people? Principally, Springer attempts to answer the difficult question of how we can prevent future cases of genocide. Although Springer is very opinionated, her arguments are logical and comprehensive and will undoubtedly convince the reader of her viewpoint. This book is perfect for young adults who want to understand these and other complex questions regarding genocide.

  • Glenn Kessler and Colum Lynch, "US Calls Killings in Sudan Genocide", The Washington Post September 10, 2004, pp A01.

    After months of investigations and talks with the State Department, for the first time Colin Powell declared the murders, rapes, and inhuman treatments of 1.2 homeless Africans in Sudan as acts of genocide carried out by the Khartoum government and the Janjaweed. The Sudanese officials argued that the situation in Darfur is an internal problem and U.S. aid will only ignite their local conflicts into international issues. Glenn and Lynch reveal Sudanese government officials as corrupt and purposefully delaying a universal agreement on declaring Darfur a genocide and declining outside help so that they can maintain their power while an entire group of people are living in complete despair. This article reveals that the identification and declaration of genocide does little to thwart it from continuing and growing in violence and geographical range.

Relevant Websites

  • Eric Weitz, Utopian Ideologies as Motives for Genocide

    This article is part of an online encyclopedia of more than 350 entries on genocides and crimes against humanity. The entries include historical and modern instances of genocide and “crimes against humanity, individuals, groups, international institutions and law, theories and philosophy, prevention, prosecution, and cultural representations.” One of the more compelling articles on this website in about utopian ideologies that motive genocides. Weitz discusses how utopianism has become increasingly dangerous in the twentieth century. This article is among many of the entries on this web page that provide progressive analysis on the concept of genocide and where it is going in the twenty-first century, while offering discussion boards to connect and talk with other people interested in genocide and crimes against humanity.

  • Center on Law and Globalization, Smart Library on Globalization: Approaches to Studying Genocide (2010)

    This web page offers an abundance of information and research on genocide from the challenges that genocide studies face to various approaches of studying genocide. It also has many links to data pages providing eyewitness reports and documentations of genocide occurrences. This website is intended more for scholars interested in the diverse tactics of studying genocide in depth and its motivating ideologies. It can also be used as a source from which to extract statistics and past academic research to use for their professional works.

  • The Stockholm International Forum, Preventing Genocide (2004)

    This online forum consists of a compilation of presentations given at the Stockholm International Conferences in the early twenty-first century. This website includes forums on the Holocaust, combating intolerance, truth, justice, and reconciliation, and the most relevant forum on preventing genocide from the 2004 conference. The last forum offers presentations from professors, scholars, and political figures on issues of modern genocide. This website stands out because it presents tangible methods and tools for preventing contemporary genocide. This site can be used to further develop Kiernan’s fundamental ideological patterns of genocide to actually thwart future cases.

  • Lisa Pine, Genocide: twentieth-century warning for the twentieth-first century (2008)

    If you want a collective source on genocide and specific tactics to stop the continuity of genocide, this is an easy-to-use tool to attain such information. Pine reviews recent examples of genocide, its continuity into the twenty-first century, her eight identifiable stages of genocide, and measures that can be taken to stop genocide from recurring. Pine stresses the importance of humanitarian aid and the necessity of refuge for persecuted groups. Lastly, she proposes ways of pressuring and punishing regimes that reveal “signs and intentions of genocidal policies” by utilizing international law to enforce “economic sanctions, trade embargoes, and divestment” on these governments.

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Any student tempted to use this paper for an assignment in another course or school should be aware of the serious consequences for plagiarism. Here is what I write in my syllabi:

Plagiarism—presenting someone else's work as your own, or deliberately failing to credit or attribute the work of others on whom you draw (including materials found on the web)—is a serious academic offense, punishable by dismissal from the university. It hurts the one who commits it most of all, by cheating them out of an education. I report offenses to the Office of the Dean of Students for disciplinary action.

prepared for web by Sarah Wander on 3/23/10; last updated: 11/21/10
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